Al Qaeda is greatly weakened since 2001. As a matter of fact, they at one point declared the most central front in the war on terror in Iraq — where they're doing very poorly. And they're not doing so well here, either. Now, they can hide in remote regions. They can hide, but we will stay on the hunt and we will keep the pressure on them, because it's in the people — the peaceful people of Afghanistan's interest, just like it's in the interest of this country.

Right after the attacks I made it abundantly clear that we would bring people to justice for our own security. And made it abundantly clear that if a group of people harbored a terrorist, they were equally as guilty as a terrorist. And we gave the Taliban an opportunity to respond. They didn't. And American troops proudly liberated the people of Afghanistan. That's what life was like. And we could have replaced one power person with another. That would have been, I guess, the easy route, and then just left it behind, say we've done our duty and we've upheld the doctrine — and said, okay, we're now going to take this group, replace them with this group — and just got out of the way. But that's not — that, one, didn't learn the lessons of the '80s and the '90s.

We want to do the hard work now so our children and our grandchildren can grow up in a peaceful world. So we rallied good allies to our side, including every member of NATO. We've developed civilian experts in the form of Civilian Reconstruction Teams. And together with the determined people of Afghanistan, we are making hopeful gains.

And it was here in Afghanistan that the terrorists planned the attacks of September the 11th, 2001. After that date, America gave the Taliban a choice: You can turn over the leaders of al Qaeda, or you can share in their fate. And when they refused, our just demands were enforced by the United States military. And thanks to you, the Taliban has gone from power, the al Qaeda training camps are closed, and 25 million Iraqis are free.

Let me talk about the guy throwing his shoe. It's one way to gain attention. It's like going to a political rally and having people yell at you. It's like driving down the street and having people not gesturing with all five fingers. I don't know what the guy's cause is.

There have been a lot of troops from around the world who have come to help this young democracy survive and thrive. And so I want to thank the citizens of those country and the troops who have served here before us.

I hope that I can use my good relations with the Chinese leadership to convince them that the way forward is for there to be more civic participation, more citizen participation in the future of the country, and that the perfect way to do that is to explain to them how backward the government was when it came to the response for the natural disaster. Hopefully that will open up eyes. But no question there's a lot of diplomacy that needs to be done to convince others that people like Aung Suu San Kyi deserve to be free, and political prisoners ought to be free. ...Whether or not the Chinese will agree that somebody like Aung Suu San Kyi ought to be free and ought to be the center of foreign policy like it is for us, I don't know. We just have to work it hard.

Goodbye from the world's biggest polluter.

Yo, Harper! The President of Nigeria.

Now, there are many doubters. I understand that, because there is some who say that perhaps freedom is not universal. Maybe it's only Western people that can self-govern. Maybe it's only, you know, white-guy Methodists who are capable of self government. I reject that notion.

Many, many families look at me trying to determine whether or not, one, I believed that it [the war in Iraq] was necessary, and two, whether or not I'm going to let their son or daughter kind of lie in an empty grave when it comes to the sacrifice they made.

And in Iran, Shia groups funded by Iran tried to take on the government and the government is succeeding — but it's going to take a while.

Some seem to believe that we should negotiate with the terrorists and radicals, as if some ingenious argument will persuade them they have been wrong all along. We've heard this foolish delusion before. As Nazi tahnks — tanks crossed into Poland in 1939, an American senator declared: Lord, if I could only have talked to Hitler, all this might have been avoided. We have an obligation to call this what it is, the false comfort of appeasement.

There's no doubt where he [Russian President Vladimir Putin] stands. That's why I like him. You don't have to guess. And he is concerned about it. Yet Russia appreciates the confidence-building and transparency measures that we have proposed, and declared that if agreed and implemented, such measures will be important and useful in ensuring Russia concerns.

I understand that a citizen says, wait a minute, we're contributing soldiers in Iraq, and yet we're not necessarily treated like other nations in the European collective, or European Union. And those frustrations are clearly understandable. That's why I went to Congress and tried to get them to modernize the visa law. And all they — although they changed the law, it still creates certain hurdles for nations like Romania. And I assured the President that we will work with him as best as we can to adhere to our law and to, at the same time, understands the contradictions. It's — hopefully, the new law will — and our cooperation will make it easier for Romanian citizens to come and visit their relatives.

We've had seven years working together, a chance to have some pretty candid exchanges. And secondly — and this is his [Russian President Putin's] last — this will be our last face-to-face meeting as a presidency, and I'll thank him.

The idea of trafficking human beings is abhorrent, and nobody in — any civilized person who accepts that, you know, is just — needs to have their head examined.

These two nations inspired the world with their Rose and Orange Revolutions — and now they're working to consolidate their democratic gains and cement their independence. Welcoming them into the MATO — into the Membership Action Plan, would send a signal to their citizens that if they continue on the path to democracy and reform they will be welcomed into the institutions of Europe.

Afghanistan is the most daring and ambition mission in the history of NATO.

REPORTER: Thank you, Mr. President. Do you think that Russia is applying undue pressure and threats to accomplish its goals at NATO on missile defense and stopping the Membership Action Plans of Ukraine and Georgia?
DUBYA: Uhhh —
REPORTER: And Mr. Pres — and, uhh, President Yushchenko, what do you think of Moscow's tactics?
DUBYA: Heh heh heh. Just because there was a bunch of, you know, Soviet-era flags in the street yesterday doesn't you shouldn't read anything into that. I — I, umm — I, look, this is, umm, this is an interesting debate that's taking place, and it's – uhh, you know, it's — every nation has told me, Russia will not have a veto over what happens in Bucharest, and I take their word for it. And that's the right policy to have.

I would say it's like — as I explained to this fellow here — that one of the lessons of the genocide in Rwanda was to take some of the early warnings signs seriously. Secondly, a clear lesson I learned in the museum was that outside forces that tend to divide people up inside their country are unbelievably counterproductive. In other words, people came from other countries — I guess you'd call them colonialists — and they pitted one group of people against another. And an early warning sign was — and it's hard to have seen it, I readily admit, but I'm talking earlier than 1994, and earlier than the '90s — was the fact that it become a habit to divide people based upon — you know, in this case, whether they were Tutsi or Hutu, which eventually led to exploitation. Secondly, I would tell my successor that the United States can play a very constructive role.

You know, women are now very active in the Kuwaiti parliament.

There is no doubt in my mind when history was written, the final page will say victory was achieved by the United States of America for the good of the world.

I 'ppreciate what this, uhh, Third Army did in World War II. I hope you do too, as well. After all, you're members of Patton's own. Played a vital role in the destruction of the Nazi war machine. They helped liberate about 12,000 towns, at least that's according to the history of the Third Army. From their noble ranks came soldiers with some of our nation's highest directors, including 19 recipients of the Medal of Honor. You repre — distinguished history, and you're makin' history yourselves.

He's asking me about the checkpoints I drove through and my impression about what it was like to drive through checkpoints. I can understand why the Palestinians are frustrated driving through checkpoints. I can also understand that until confidence is gained on both sides, why the Israelis would want there to be a sense of security. In other words, they don't want a state on their border from which attacks would be launched. I can understand that. Any reasonable person can understand that.

Mr. Prime Minister, thank you. I view this as an historic moment. It's a historic opportunity, Mr. Prime Minister, first of all, to work together to deal with the security of Israel and the Palestinian people — matter of fact, the security of people who just simply want to live in peace. We're in conflict with radicals and extremists who are willing to murder innocent people to achieve a dark vision. And this is an historic opportunity for the world to fight that — to fight those terrorists. It's an historic opportunity to spread freedom as a great alternative to their ideology, as a society based upon human rights and human dignity, a society in which every man, woman and child is free. And it's a historic opportunity to work for peace.