The first day I met Tony Blair, almost exactly eight years ago, he was in his second term as Prime Minister and I was just starting out. After our first meeting, a reporter asked if we'd found anything in common, and I jokingly replied that we both used Colgate toothpaste.

In the weeks that followed, our Olympic team took part in the largest games ever held. Over 100,000 athletes competed in more than 300 events.

These immigrants have helped transform 13 small colonies into a great and growing nation of more than 300 people.

Some seem to believe that we should negotiate with the terrorists and radicals, as if some ingenious argument will persuade them they have been wrong all along. We've heard this foolish delusion before. As Nazi tahnks — tanks crossed into Poland in 1939, an American senator declared: Lord, if I could only have talked to Hitler, all this might have been avoided. We have an obligation to call this what it is, the false comfort of appeasement.

I would say it's like — as I explained to this fellow here — that one of the lessons of the genocide in Rwanda was to take some of the early warnings signs seriously. Secondly, a clear lesson I learned in the museum was that outside forces that tend to divide people up inside their country are unbelievably counterproductive. In other words, people came from other countries — I guess you'd call them colonialists — and they pitted one group of people against another. And an early warning sign was — and it's hard to have seen it, I readily admit, but I'm talking earlier than 1994, and earlier than the '90s — was the fact that it become a habit to divide people based upon — you know, in this case, whether they were Tutsi or Hutu, which eventually led to exploitation. Secondly, I would tell my successor that the United States can play a very constructive role.

You know, women are now very active in the Kuwaiti parliament.

Mr. Prime Minister, thank you. I view this as an historic moment. It's a historic opportunity, Mr. Prime Minister, first of all, to work together to deal with the security of Israel and the Palestinian people — matter of fact, the security of people who just simply want to live in peace. We're in conflict with radicals and extremists who are willing to murder innocent people to achieve a dark vision. And this is an historic opportunity for the world to fight that — to fight those terrorists. It's an historic opportunity to spread freedom as a great alternative to their ideology, as a society based upon human rights and human dignity, a society in which every man, woman and child is free. And it's a historic opportunity to work for peace.

REPORTER: How do you think you will be remembered as a President?
DUBYA: I think I'll be remembered as a guy who, you know, was dealt some pretty tough issues to deal with and I dealt with them head-on and I didn't try to shy away. I didn't, you know, I didn't sacrifice — I was firm and that I made decisions based upon principles, not based upon the latest Gallup Poll. And that I helped this country protect itself, and at the same time was unashamed, unabashed at spreading certain values to others — the main one being liberty, whether it be the freedom from forms of government or the freedom from disease and hunger. And that we had a very robust foreign policy in the name of peace. And at home, that the cornerstone of my policy is to trust the individual American to make the best decisions for his or her family. And that I dealt with not only a tax, but recession and a lot of other challenges to our economy, and yet our economy is very strong. We've had 50 consecutive months of uninterrupted job growth, which is the longest in American history. So, you know something? But I'll be dead before they finally figure out my administration because history, it takes a while to get the true history of an administration.

What's amazing about it is that when my dad was 18, he signed up to fight the Japanese. They were the sworn enemy of the United States of America. Thousands of people died in that conflict.

They attacked America — the last time we were attacked, by the way, prior to September the 11th was Pearl Harbor.

For some, this isn't the first moment they've been in the White House today, and I want to thank the leaders for joining Laura and me and the Vice President and his wife, Lynne, as we commemorated the — a day that really helped — or it did define our nation, which is 9/11/2001.

These extremists hope to impose that same dark vision across the Middle East by raising up a violent and radical caliphate that spans from Spain to Indonesia. So they kill fellow Muslims in places like Algeria and Jordan and Egypt and Saudi Arabia in an attempt to undermine their governments. And they kill Americans because they know we stand in their way. And that is why they attacked U.S. embassies in Africa in 1998, and killed sailors aboard the USS Cole in 2001.

Our first Independence Day celebration took place in a midst of a war — a bloody and difficult struggle that would not end for six more years before America finally secured her freedom. More than two decades later, it is hard to imagine the Revolutionary War coming out any other way — but at the time, America's victory was far from certain.

My position is, is that he [World Bank Group President Paul Wolfowitz] ought to stay. He ought to be given a fair hearing. And I appreciate the fact that he has advanced — he's helped the World Bank recognize that eradication of world poverty is an important priority for the bank.

It is conceivable that there will be a world in which radical forms, extreme forms of religion fight each other for influence in the Middle East, in which they've got the capacity to use oil as an economic weapon.

DUBYA: Imagine a world in which Saddam Hussein was there, stirring up even more trouble in a part of the world that had so much resentment and so much hatred that people came and killed 3,000 of our citizens. You know, I've heard this theory about everything was just fine until we arrived, and kind of we're going to stir up the hornet's nest theory. It just doesn't hold water, as far as I'm concerned. The terrorists attacked us and killed 3,000 of our citizens before we started the freedom agenda in the Middle East.
REPORTER: What did Iraq have to do with that?
DUBYA: What did Iraq have to do with what?
REPORTER: The attack on the World Trade Center?
DUBYA: Nothing. Except for it's part of — and nobody has ever suggested in this administration that Saddam Hussein ordered the attack.

I bet you, in 1949, 1950, if somebody had stood up and said, you know, I bet one of these days an American President is going to take the Japanese Prime Minister to visit the heartland, they'd have said, man, you are nuts. It's interesting, isn't it, that the Prime Minister of a country with which we had a mighty war, thousands lost their lives — as a matter of fact, it took us, I don't know how long, a decade or so to even get racial slurs out of our vocabulary, because of the enmity that arose as a result of fighting the Japanese.

There was two major conflicts in Europe, World War I and World War II.

On September the 11th, 2001, nearly 3,000 innocent people were murdered in my country, including more than 30 who were born in India. Just over three months ago, terrorists struck the Parliament House here in Delhi, an attack on the heart of Indian democracy.

You know, a lot of us grew up thinking that oceans would protect us. That if there was a threat overseas, it really didn't concern us because we were safe. That's what history had basically told us — yes, there was an attack on Pearl Harbor, obviously, but it was a kind of hit-and-run and then we pursued the enemy. A lot of folks — at least, my age, when I was going to college, I never dreamed that the United States of America could be attacked.

And yet, 60 years ago, my dad fought against the Japanese — many of your relatives did, as well. They were the sworn enemy of the United States. I find it amazing — I don't know if you find it amazing — I find it amazing that I sit down with this guy [this guy = Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi], strategizing about how to make the world a more peaceful place when my dad and others fought him.

The civilized world knows very well that other fanatics in history, from Hitler to Stalin to Pol Pot, consumed whole nations in war and genocide before leaving the stage of history. Evil men, obsessed with ambition and unburdened by conscience, must be taken very seriously — and we must stop them before their crimes can multiply. ...We didn't ask for this global struggle, but we're answering history's call with confidence, and with a comprehensive strategy. ...State sponsors like Syria and Iran have a long history of collaboration with terrorists, and they deserve no patience from the victims of terror. ...By any standard or precedent of history, Iraq has made incredible political progress — from tyranny, to liberation, to national elections, to the ratification of a constitution — in the space of two-and-a-half years. ...While it's perfectly legitimate to criticize my decision or the conduct of the war, it is deeply irresponsible to rewrite the history of how that war began. ...With the rise of a deadly enemy and the unfolding of a global ideological struggle, our time in history will be remembered for new challenges and unprecedented dangers. ...Throughout history, tyrants and would-be tyrants have always claimed that murder is justified to serve their grand vision ...[We] do know the love of freedom is the mightiest force of history, and we do know the cause of freedom will once again prevail.

I am convinced that when we look back at this time in history, those who follow us — whether it be in the armed services or in the political process — will say, thank goodness the United States of America didn't lose our nerve or will, that we've put in motion something that can't be stopped, and that is the march of freedom.

We want this city to re-emerge. As I said, I can't imagine America without a vibrant New Orleans. It's just a matter of timing. We're cautious about encouraging people to return at this moment of history.

See, producing a constitution is a difficult process. It involves a lot of debate and compromise. We know that from our own history. Our Constitutional Convention was the home to political rivalries and regional disagreements. And the document that our founders produced in Philadelphia was not the final word. After all, it has been amended many times over the century.

More Americans are working today than ever before in our nation's history.

It's hard for the Western mind to even comprehend what life was like for people in Afghanistan, but this is a society in which young girls couldn't go to school. And if you objected to their point of view, you were taken into the public square and whipped, or sometimes assassinated.

I'm proud to report that more Americans are working today than ever before in our nation's history.

One of the main jobs we have here in Washington is to protect our country. You see, not only did the attacks help accelerate a recession, the attacks reminded us that we are at war.

We declared all people equal, and yet, all people weren't treated equally for a century. We said, everybody counts, but everybody didn't count.

That's been the proven example around the world. Democracies equal peace.

One of the interesting lessons that the world can look at is Pakistan. You see, there are some in the world who do not believe that a Muslim society can self-govern. Some believe that the only solution for government in parts of the world is for there to be tyranny or despotism. I don't believe that. The Pakistan people have proven that those cynics are wrong. And where President Musharraf can help in world peace is to help remind people what is possible.

In the early days of World War II, when the United States was still wrestling with isolationism, Canadian forces were already engaging the enemies of freedom from the Atlantic — across the Atlantic. At the time, some Canadians argued that Canada had not been attacked and had no interest in fighting a distant war. Your Prime Minister, Mackenzie King, gave this answer: "We cannot defend our country and save our homes and families by waiting for the enemy to attack us. To remain on the defensive is the surest way to bring the war to Canada. Of course, we should protect our coasts and strengthen our ports and cities against attack."

You know, what's interesting about our country is that for years we were isolated from the world by two great oceans, and for a while we got a false sense of security as a result of that. We thought we were protected forever from trade policy or terrorist attacks because oceans protected us. What's interesting about today's world is that the oceans now connect us.

These are historic times. This is a historic moment in history, as far as I'm concerned.

As you know, we don't have relationships with Iran. I mean, that's — ever since the late '70s, we have no contacts with them, and we've totally sanctioned them.

And today, I'm able to sit down with the Prime Minister of Japan and discuss key issues like North Korea. In other words, a former enemy — former enemies sit at a table together and say, how can we work to keep the peace, because there were people that preceded me that had great faith in the ability of freedom to change societies.

I told the story, I think, at one of these endless press conferences I had last week — where — I love them, of course — where — where I had dinner with Prime Minister Koizumi of Japan. And it was at that dinner that we were talking about the situation in North Korea. And it dawned on me during the course of the conversation with my friend that, if we hadn't got it right after World War II, would I have been having this conversation with the Prime Minister about a common threat we share? And it probably wouldn't have. If we hadn't secured the peace in a proper way after World War II, I don't think — maybe I'll be wrong — but I don't think I would have been having the very kind of conversation I was having with Prime Minister Koizumi.

September the 11th, 2001 moved this country from grief to action.

See, free nations do not develop weapons of mass destruction.

Two-and-a-half years ago — or two years ago, this nation came under enemy attack.

It used to be in our history that only a few would own stocks. I bet there's a lot of people in Georgia in the old days would look up at Wall Street and say, you know, they own stocks, what is that all about?

But it used to be that oceans — we thought oceans could protect us, that we were guarded by the oceans. And that if there was a threat overseas, as a result of the protection from the oceans, we could decide whether to be involved or not. It might affect us overseas, but it couldn't affect us at home. And therefore, we have the luxury of kind of picking and choosing gathering threats.

History has called the United States into action, and we will not let history down.

Before September the 11th, many in the world believed that Saddam Hussein could be contained. But chemical agents, lethal viruses and shadowy terrorist networks are not easily contained. Imagine those 19 hijackers with other weapons and other plans — this time armed by Saddam Hussein.

Like the Nazis and the communists before them, the terrorists seek to end lives and control all life. And like the Nazis and the communists before them, they will be opposed by free nations and the terrorists will be defeated.

I want the youngsters here to remember the story of Flight 93, one of most profound parts of this entire history of the recent history we've been through.

I don't believe we can afford to have a League of Nations again.

So long as we love freedom, they hate us, and they want to hurt us. That's just the facts of life, as we head into the 21st century.

Twenty-eight percent of eighth graders do not know the reason why the Civil War was fought.

And all our history says we believe in liberty and justice for all, that when we see oppression, we cry.

When we were kids, a lot of us were kids, growing up, oceans separated us from danger.

I want to congratulate you all for achieving an historic — historic moment in our nation, because what you all have done is you've made it much more likely somebody is going to be able to find work, and some farmer is going to be able to sell his product, and some nation is going to be able to trade with us which will help lift them out of poverty.

For the first time, young girls go to school in Afghanistan, thanks to the United States and our coalition.

REPORTER: Should we read anything into the fact that you are going to transfer the power, the length of time of this?
DUBYA: No, not at all. It's just that I made the decision. We looked at the precedent. I'm the first President to have done so under this type of procedure and/or physical examination. I did so because we're at war and I just want to be super — you know, super cautious.

We do believe this is the first time a president has been out of the country for Memorial Day.

It seems odd that with all the history it contains, this great building went more than a century without a name befitting its dignity. We've solved that problem today, and we've solved it once and for all. This building now bears the name of Dwight D. Eisenhower.

See, if we blink, everybody else goes to sleep. History has called us into action. History has laid the mantle of responsibility for peace squarely on our shoulders. I accept that responsibility, and so does the American people.

And I sit there at this fantastic desk, called the H.M.S. Resolute.

When we grew up, the baby boomers and everybody else, we never really thought we'd be attacked. I mean, the last thing that I entered my mind when I was getting out of high school in 1964 is that an enemy would attack America. And, yet, here you are graduating from high school, the first high school class to ever have seen the 48 contiguous states attacked by an enemy.

My trip to Asia begins here in Japan for an important reason. It begins here because for a century and a half now, America and Japan have formed one of the great and enduring alliances of modern times. From that alliance has come an era of peace in the Pacific.

I had the privilege of voting in the Republican primary in 1974. As you know, you've got a one-month residency requirement — and I met it. So I voted. I can't remember who I voted for, but I was a proud participant.

Well, thank you all very much for coming. Mrs. King, thanks for this beautiful portrait. I can't wait to hang it.

I recently spoke to high school students in Maryland and realized that for the first time ever these seniors will graduate in the midst of a war in our own country.

After all, we're at war, and for the first time in our nation's history, part of the battlefront is here at home.

This is a very unusual period in American history, obviously. We've never been attacked like this before. We're still being attacked. Our heart goes out to anybody who suffers in America. And so, we're bolstering our homeland defense. We're disrupting and denying anybody who wants to harm the American people. We spend hours tracking down every possible lead of somebody who would come into this country or who might be burrowed in this country, trying to hurt any American.

We've had oceans which have protected us over our history. Except for Pearl Harbor, we've never really been hit before.

There is a certain sense of fascination with previous wars in Kosovo and Desert Storm, where people could turn on their TV screens and see high-tech weaponry burrowing into bunkers and massive explosions.

I know that an act of war was declared against America, but this will be a different type of war than we're used to. In the past, there have been beaches to storm, islands to conquer. We've been able to watch on our television screens sophisticated weaponry to find a building.

When Europe and America are divided, history tends to tragedy.

There wasn't a lot of protest at Yale in '68. I don't remember that. And I think most people — I don't know if you found anything differently — I just don't remember any great days of rage. I think those were mainly in the 70's.